Vinta Nanda looks at how the Internet and AI are poised to reset the world order, explores the decline of Hindutva politics and the rise of inclusive spiritualism as a unifying force in evolving democracies.

As we navigate the complexities of modern politics, the influence of Hindutva is waning, giving way to a more inclusive and spiritually enlightened era. This article explores the evolution through significant socio-political revolutions, and attempts to understand the unsustainable nature of the collusion between religion and politics. It tries to understand why democracies are moving away from religious dominance and monopolistic capitalism, embracing a future where inclusivity must triumph over divisiveness.

The politics of Hindutva emerged as a significant force in the 1980s, particularly after the demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992, during a critical period of transition as India moved towards economic development and cultural evolution. However, this era is now drawing to a close.

Hinduism, a 4000-year-old religion—or, as I prefer to call it, a 'way of life'—is open to everyone worldwide. The depth and breadth of Hinduism's understanding of humankind, science, mathematics, and philosophy are universal, not confined to any single person, cult, community, or politics. More religions like Buddhism, Islam, Christianity, and Sikhism find their roots in the denouncement of ancient redundant beliefs and practices and acceptance of the overarching spiritualism that the universal truth proposes.  

In the rapidly changing world, especially following the two World Wars, industrialization revolutionized societies globally, including in India. Consider the late 19th century, when railway trains started transporting goods to India's major ports—Calcutta, Bombay, and Madras—to be shipped worldwide. Indian traders no longer needed to undertake long, arduous journeys to move goods between villages, towns, cities, and countries. This shift dramatically accelerated business growth and the exchange of knowledge about diverse people and cultures.

As interactions among people from various backgrounds increased, so did the rate of change. This threatened the status quoists, who feared change. Jawaharlal Nehru writes extensively in his "Glimpses of World History" about how industrialization, initially perceived as a democratizing force, ended up with the ownership of the machine with a few individuals. To counter the breathless change taking place, the privileged created chasms between themselves and the excluded, whom they encouraged to remain immersed in religious practices.

Nehru also wrote to Indira Gandhi from prison, “Often in history, we see that religion, which was meant to raise us and make us better and nobler, has made people behave like beasts. Instead of bringing enlightenment to them, it has often tried to keep them in the dark; instead of broadening their minds, it has frequently made them narrow-minded and intolerant of others. In the name of religion many great and fine deeds have been performed. In the name of religion also thousands and millions have been killed, and every possible crime has been committed.”

Democracy, as a system of governance, separated religion from the state, creating a competitive ground for liberals and conservatives. The post-World War II period, known as “The Golden Age of Capitalism,” saw a growing middle class, increased infrastructure spending, and a housing boom. Over the years, religion found a home in right-wing conservative politics, while liberal politics maintained balance.

The information and communications revolution further threatened conservative elites. In India, the RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh) was banned after Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination in 1948 but was lifted in 1949 with conditions. The JP Movement in the 1970s gave legitimacy to the Sangh, and in return the Sangh helped the movement reach the national stage.

Activists like Mulayam Singh Yadav, Lalu Prasad Yadav, Nitish Kumar, and Kanshi Ram joined the JP movement aimed to prevent a one-party democracy in India. Despite ideological contradictions in its mix, and with RSS support, the BJP gained ground. Kanshi Ram, leading the most excluded Hindus as the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), ironically, collaborated with the BJP, which, influenced by RSS ideologies, represented dominant caste Hindus. Around the same time, the Shiv Sena founded by Bal Thackeray was a nationalistic Hindutva party that advocated for Marathi rights.

By the new millennium, industrialists like Mukesh Ambani and Gautam Adani consolidated power, often in collusion with governments and religious groups, controlling the burgeoning Internet and various sectors, forging global tech partnerships.

On a television debate recently, it was almost funny to watch Sudhanshu Trivedi of the BJP reminding Akhilesh Yadav, son of Mulayam Singh Yadav, Tejaswi Yadav, son of Lalu Prasad Yadav, and Uddhav Thackeray, son of Bal Thackeray, about their legacies, which were originally rooted in opposition to the dominance of the Congress party under former prime minister Indira Gandhi. The three scions have moved on. They are now part of the INDIA alliance, standing against Hindutva politics and anti-democratic practices, as well as the attempts by the BJP, supported by the RSS, to create a single-party system under Narendra Modi's leadership.

As the world becomes increasingly interconnected, differences blend to create a vibrant, multicultural, multi-religious society where people of all colours must thrive equitably. However, in India, there is resistance from some corporations helping a religiously-based political party to maintain the status quo.

What the BJP doesn’t realize is that Generation Z is way ahead of the curve. Gen X and Gen Y were stunned by the possibilities the Internet brought in the 1990s, often finding solace in polarized politics favouring the rich and isolating activism for democracy. Pulverized by the suddenness of events, a massive cultural and societal shift where their elders, the Silent Generation, and the Baby Boomers, needed nurturing by them, they carried the burden of deconstructing the phenomenon.

Gen Z in the meanwhile has grown up unimpressed and undaunted by technology or its elders and their past mistakes. It is ready to apply Artificial Intelligence (AI) for personal, professional, and political growth. Well-informed and flanked by generations X and Y with the skills to conquer, and generation Alpha bound to have even greater capabilities, the lies, deceit, and monopolistic attitudes of the powerful—hypocritically aligning with a past that provides little else for personal growth—stand exposed to Gen Z.

The children of the conservative rich and powerful will soon rebel. Uddhav Thackeray, Tejaswi Yadav, and Akhilesh Yadav have deviated because they see the irrelevance of Hindutva politics. They have taken on the challenge along with Rahul Gandhi, who has, in the meanwhile, reinvented the Indian National Congress.

The questions left to find answers to, and I often ponder, are: Did Rahul Gandhi engineer defeat upon defeat to arrive at the (almost) complete reinvention of the Indian National Congress and the future of Indian politics? Was the Bharat Jodo Yatra similar to the JP Movement, reversed upon the idea of a single party democracy being proposed by the BJP today? Is the INDIA alliance going to unite the country and be more ready than the RSS led BJP for the oncoming renaissance?

It's a couple of days after the assassination attempt made on Donald Trump, and it’s a millimetre or two, which honours the higher force that saved the life of the former president of America. The Hindus were quick to attribute the miracle to Lord Jaganath, but the force belongs to everyone - the Sikh, the Muslim, the Catholic, the Protestant and so on…